&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&& JBroabtoap iHtbiebal Hibrarp Edited by G. G. Coulton and Eileen Power ®$e dialogue on jUtracles Volume I JBroabtoap fflrbiebal library Edited by G. G. Coulton and Eileen Power r The Unconquered Knight By Gutierre Diaz de Gamez Miracles of the Blessed Virgin Mary By Johannes Heroic The Dialogue on Miracles By Cats arms of Heisterbach The Goodman oj Baris By A Bourgeois of Palis, <. 1 }9J The Autobiography of Ousama Anecdotes from English A15. Sermons Anecdotes from Thomas of Chantimpre' Published by HARCOURT, BRACE AND COMPANY PLATE THE APSE OF HEISTERBACH Vol. I) [ front ®fje ©ialogue on Jfttracles f)Z C 1513 l Z 7 v. i CAESARIUS OF felSTERBACH (1220 - 1235 ) Vol. I Translated by H. VON E. SCOTT and C. C. SWINTON BLAND with an Introduction by G. G. COULTON Published by HARCOURT, BRACE AND COMPANY NEW YORK 1929 PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY HEADLEY BROTHERS, l8, DEVONSHIRE STREET, E.C.2 ) AND ASHFORD, KENT. CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION BY G. G. COULTON . VH PROLOGUE I BOOK I : OF CONVERSION 5 BOOK II : OF CONTRITION 6 1 BOOK III : OF CONFESSION I23 BOOK IV : OF TEMPTATION I93 BOOK V: OF DEMONS 313 BOOK VI : OF SINGLENESS OF HEART . 39I BOOK VII : OF THE BLESSED VIRGIN MARY . 453 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PLATE I The Apse of Heisterbach. From J. P. Seddon, Rambles in the Rhine Provinces , 1868, p. 44 Frontispiece II An Early MS. of Caesarius. In the Royal Library at Dusseldorf, of the 14th century To face p. 4 III A Cistercian’s Faith. From a MS. of about 1400 in the Royal Library at Dusseldorf. The words are those of Dist. Ill, ch. 1 To face p. 122 IV The Abbey of Maulronn. The most important of these buildings date from about Caesarius’s time. The view shows two of the fishponds, and numerous dependents’ lodg¬ ings side by side with the monastic offices within the precincts. By courtesy of the Syndics of the Cambridge L T niversity Press To face p. 264 V The Class-room and the Rod. From Brit. Mus. MS. Roy. VI, E.6, fol. 214. By courtesy of the Syndics of the Cambridge University Press To face p. 406 VI Three Medieval Houses in Cologne. From Sulpiz Bois- seree, Denkmale d. Bankunst, etc., 1833, plates 34 and 35. The right-hand house was pulled down in about 1825 ; all three were probably built in the life-time of Caesarius. The central house may still be seen in the Rheingasse, though whole streets have been swept away round it. It has sometimes been attributed to the wealthy family of Overstolz ; on the other hand, it is often called “ Temp¬ lars’ House ” To face p. 414 INTRODUCTION Picturesque monastic ruins are less frequent in Germany than in Great Britain. At the Reformation, princes some¬ times did what should have been done with us; they converted the dissolved abbeys into schools, colleges or hospitals. Thus the CiSfercian monastery of Maulbronn in Wiirtemberg has remained in a wonderful State of preservation; it was made, like the neighbouring abbey of Blaubeuren, into a ProteSlant theological seminary; and thus it presents not a ruin, but probably the completeSt specimen of a medieval CiSlercian house in Europe. Other dispossessed houses seem to have been pulled down more rcmorsely than with us; but almoSt as much medieval work has been destroyed, in those districts which clung to the Roman obedience, by the monks them¬ selves. In Germany as in other countries, they rebuilt when¬ ever they could find the money; so that great monasteries like Admont in Austria, Dissentis and St. Gall in Switzerland, show less medieval masonry than the average English ruin. HeiSterbach is here a fortunate exception; its ruined apse, beautiful in itself, is set in happy surroundings. Lying amidst the moSt picturesque and therefore the moSt familiar of Rhine¬ land scenes, it is yet sufficiently secluded to escape the commonplace touriSl; and even Germans, unul recently, have honoured it with little notice. Yet the associations of this abbey, as readers of the present translation may discover, are if possible more interesting than the ruin or the valley, and may rival even those which cling round “ the caStled crag of Drachenfels.” The foundation and early years of HeiSterbach Abbey are told by Caesarius, but in fragmentary sketches and allusions vii Introduction which may be supplemented here. Like many other Cister¬ cian houses, our own Fountains included, it began on a scale of asceticism and independence of natural conditions which proved too much for human endurance, and was exchanged for more reasonable self-denial. One of the famous Seven Mountains by Konigswinter on the Rhine is now called Stromberg, but was also named Petersberg, from a chapel which Stood on its wooded creSt. Very likely this was a converted pagan temple, just as Godes- berg, to which it looks across the Rhine, was originally Wudinsberg,“the Mount of Woden.” All round Stood caStles, Still to be seen in their ruins, built by warlike prince-bishops of Cologne; Drachenfels, Wolkenburg, Rolandseck, and presently, as we shall see, Godesberg. These mountains had Still earlier warlike traditions; battles that had been woven into the medieval epic of Theodoric the Goth, or “ Dietrich von Bern.” The highest of them, the Auelberg, had in earlier ages been the tribal folkmoot-place; thus the whole group had commanded attention from time immemorial. The chapel on Petersberg was occupied in 1134 by a Knight named Walter, who “ had escaped, naked, from the shipwreck of the world,” and had gathered a small group of like-minded penitents, with whom he formed a community which lived under the rule attributed to St. AuguStine. Innocent II and CeleSline II granted the convent formal letters of protection; but the brethren found it a hard Struggle for existence on this upland, where the only free soil was what they could clear for themselves. At the death of their founder Walter, they moved down into the fertile Sulzthal, and formed a new convent at Reussrath. Archbishop Philip of Cologne (1167-91) found fresh inhabit¬ ants for this deserted Petersberg. The CiStercian reform was then in full force; hence the Archbishop drew, (in his own words) “ water from that Stream wherein it flowed moSt pure.” He raised a small band of CiStercians from the convent of Himmerode in the Eifel diSlrid, who were willing viii Introduction to fight againft inclement climate, niggardly soil, and the devils who were known always to resent monastic enroach- ment upon their ancient solitary reign. The new foundation had its difficulties, external as well as internal. The Arch¬ bishop (writes Csesarius, Book IV, ch. 64) “ was rebuked by certain men of the province who feared for their heirs.” In his Homilies (Vol. II, p. 15) Csesarius puts it more explicitly still; “ such a disturbance was aroused in the province, not only by knights and villagers, but even by the Count himself,” that the beneficent prelate found himself confronted with a Storm. “ But he answered a good word, a holy word, saying: ‘ Would that there were in each village of my diocese a convent of just folk, who would praise God without ceasing and pray both for me and for those who are committed to my care! Methinks my Church would then be in a far better Slate than now; for they would profit many men and harm none. They take not other folk’s goods, but share their own with all men.” This claim, at that early Stage of Cistercian life, was substantially true, and the opposition was disarmed when the Archbishop took legal guarantees from the monks against undue enroachments. Twelve monks and an abbot— the number which had been traditional all through the Benedictine centuries for a complete “ convent ”—set forth from Himmerode in April 1x88-9 (Bk. VIII ch. 91). “ As their barge was borne down the Rhine, (according to the witness of all who Still survive) they saw in the heaven above them a circle of light, wherein were seven suns .... by which circle I understand the eternity of the Holy Spirit; and, by the seven suns, His sevenfold gifts, wherewith the province was to be illuminated by the good example of this monastery.” But this convent on the Petersberg lasted not even so long as under the AuguStians. The CiStercians, in their turn, found the climate and soil too unfavourable; moreover, Cistercian tradition was always to settle monasteries not in cities or on hills, but in wooded valleys, often near the head-waters of the Stream. In 1192, therefore, they left for Petersberg and ix Introduction setttled in the dale at its foot, at a spot called HeiSterbach, or Beech-beck. Here, in course of time, they verified both the Archbishop’s predictions and those of his critics. They settled first in mere farm buildings which Philip granted them, to which they added a wooden chapel. But they rapidly grew in fame of sandtity, and therefore in wealth : Caesarius points the moral in a tale beloved of Luther and of Browning, Date and Dabitur, (Bk. IV. c.c. 68, 70). On the one hand, during the terrible famine of 1197, the abbot slaughtered an ox for the poor on every day except faStdays, and fifteen hundred are said to have been kept from Starvation during the worSt days; on the other, their charity was rewarded a hundredfold even in this life, (IV. 65). They were soon great landowners not only in their own valley but as far off as Bonn, Cologne, Miihlheim and the WeSterwald. Cxsarius tell us how the mighty Innocent III himself would have taxed these CiStercian possessions, like other Church property, for the Crusade of 1204; but the General chapter prayed so vehemently to the Virgin Mary, and she sent so threatening a message to the Pontiff, that he feared and repented, (VII 6; cf. 7.) Before Caesarius was dead, the Order which had begun in such poverty and self-denial was already earning a reputation for rapacity. But his book, like the Exordium Magnum Cifierciense of his contemporary Conrad von Eberbach, tells mainly of the palmy days of the Order; and for that we are most grateful to him. In his lifetime, and mostly under his own eyes, the monastery was born and grew up to its full Strength if not to its greatest wealth. He saw it Struggle through the years of terror when two princes were fighting for the Empire, and two churchmen for the Archbishopric of Cologne, while both wars surged back¬ wards and forwards over the crops and homeSteads of the Rhineland peasants. He saw the foundation of the great abbey church in 1202, its dedication in 1227, and probably some further years of continuous leisurely building, as the x Introduction funds dribbled in, until all was completed to the very western portal. The choir was frankly Romanesque in Style; the west end, as Boisseree’s drawing shows, had pointed arches in the newer Gothic Style. This church was one of a notable group in the Rhine district; it may be compared with the roughly contemporary buildings of the Apostelkirche at Cologne, St. CaStor at Coblenz, Limburg Cathedral, or the churches of Sinzig and Andernach. All of these are more or less influ¬ enced by the Burgundian Style which reached such simple quiet perfection in the beSt CiStercian churches, where that puritanism which was one of the fundamental principles of the Order imposed severe artistic restraints, yet left plenty of room for individual expression. The large marjority of CiStercian churches have a plain square east end; but HeiSterbach, like Pontigny and a few others, ends in a semi-circle with a cluStcr of chapels. There is a very definite reason for the simultaneous erection of so many churches in Rhineland; in the civil wars of 1198-1208 Coblenz, Andernach, Sinzig, Remagen and Bonn were all burned, and the sanctuaries were rebuilt as soon as money could be found. In excuse for Ctesarius’s conviction that it was impious in Innocent III to dream of taxing HeiSter¬ bach for the Crusade of 1204, let us remember that the monks were then spending heavily on the choir which, in its ruin, is one of the most picturesque in Germany. HeiSterbach, in later days, seems to have lapsed into the uneventful and undistinguished mediocrity of moSt monasteries, even in the CiStercian Order. No such distinguished inmates are recorded, whether monks or gueSts, as those of whom Caesarius tells us. 1 Scarcely a generation after our author’s death, the abbey fell into a gulf of debt —debita infinite —and the abbot was de¬ posed (1285). The budget was balanced by expedients common enough at the time, but dubious in their effeCts— a yearly fair, repeated grants of indulgences for pilgrims, 1 See index under Theodoric of Wied, Ludwig of Are, ChriAian of Bonn, Conrad •of Thuringen, Caesarius of Prum, Nicholas the Archpoet. Introduction and (what had been moft Aridity forbidden in earlier Ciftercian days) permission for women to worship in, and bring their offerings to the alms-boxes of, the abbey church (1309-1317). In the next century came a reforming abbot (Christian II. d. 1448), The religious wars brought distress again; the abbey was burned in 1588, and plundered in 1688-9 and 1703. It was dissolved in consequence of the French Revolution (1803) and sold in 1810 to be broken up for build¬ ing materials; fortunately the enthusiastic antiquary Sulpiz Boisseree drew the church while it was only half demolished. Of Csesarius himself we know little beyond what he tells us casually on his way from one tale to another. He was probably born at Cologne; certainly he knew the city well in early life. The Rhine in history has been perhaps the greatest of all trade routes; and in 1200 it was at its beSt. The sur¬ viving gates and fragments of town wall at Cologne seem gigantic when compared with even York or Chester in England; moreover, here and there, even villages were better fortified than our English towns; for the feudal lords were as ubiquitous and predatory as the workers were busy and rich. The great Stone house which Story connedts with the name of OverStolz, in the Rheingasse at Cologne, but which perhaps belonged to the Templars, Still survives amid many clearances and changes around, and is as sound and habitable now as it was seven centuries ago. Cologne painters are praised in con¬ temporary poetry, and the goldsmiths were unsurpassed. “The pidture drawn by Rudolf von Ems in his well-known poem Der Gute Gerhard shows, even at that date, a refined man of the world, with courtly culture, who can move as freely among bishops and princes as among his own fellows, the burghers and merchants. With all his modesty he yet speaks of ‘the dig¬ nity that all men should have who busy themselves with com¬ merce,’ and thinks that even a princess may fare worse than to find herself ein reiches Kaufweib by marriage with a merchant’s son.” 1 In other epics, by poets who knew Cologne 1 Kaufmann, pp. 18, 19. xii Introduction only from world-report, the city is represented as an abode of counts and princesses, and a scene of constant chivalric exploits. Knights of Cologne distinguished themselves in sober history, as crusaders and as combatants in the wars between Pope and Emperor. Never was all this truer than in Cat sari ns’s own day. He lived to see, or hear of as local news, King John of Jerusalem coming to visit archbishop Engelbert and humbled like the Queen of Sheba by what he saw; Still more magnificent was the visit of the Emperor Frederick II with his new English bride in 1235. Cacsarius may juSt have lived to see the firSt Stone laid, in 1248, of the present Cathedral choir. He was at HeiSterbach when the Emperor Otto sought refuge in Cologne after his defeat at Bouvines, and finally slunk out almost as his rival Frederick marched in by the opposite gate, and presently guttered out in obscurity like a spent candle. The rapid increase of wealth quickened every form of city life; here, as in the great cities of Italy, trade and war, culture and riot went hand in hand. Catsarius, who must have been born in about 1180, which would make him an almoSI exadt contemporary of St. Francis, would see much the same contrasts of luxury and poverty which the Saint cf Assisi saw, on an exaggerated scale. He tells us incidentally of minStrelsy and wine (VI. 7); from other sources we hear of the great Whitsuntide dances at Cologne. Caesarius, in his boyhood, had “ often ” seen a drunken youth running naked through the Streets (IV. 6); gamblers, again, would play away their laSt shreds of clothing, and hang themselves in despair (IV. 44); even at a solemn funeral service, some of the scholars would be dicing or pulling each other’s hair while the reSt chanted the requiem (I. 32). The clergy, though comparing favourably with neighbouring Bonn, and displaying more than one Parson Adams, contained a disconcerting variety of Trullibers, of whom the most picturesque, perhaps was Bertolph surnamed “ Guzzle-bacon ” (Vorator Lardi, IX, 59), or perhaps the Abbess of the Eleven Thousand Virgins, xiii Introduction revelling down the ftreet with her attendants and preceded by clerics wrapped in nun’s mantles (VI. 5). Cassarius, fortunately for himself and for us, was not dependent as a boy upon clerics of this latter kind. His makers were two of the beft men whom he describes in his whole book, Rudolf and Ensfrid. 1 The former was “ Scholafticus,” or Mafter of the Cathedral School; he had been a lefturer at Paris and was a man of real learning and upright life. Ensfrid had begun as Rector of Siegburg and ended as Dean of the collegiate church of St. Andreas, which ftands near the weft end of the Cathedral, and forms a moft pifturesque boundary to the garden of the present “ Ewige Lampe ” hotel. That side is of later Gothic work; but a great part of the church is Still as Caesarius saw it; where he sat as a schoolboy, children Still sit for their catechism. Ensfrid had many virtues, and it was not the leaSt of them that he differed from moSt medie¬ val pedagogues as to the value of severe corporal punishment. Our hero was Still in his schooldays when he caught a fever and came near to death. The cure prescribed, on religious grounds, fortunately coincided with what a modern hydro- therapiSt would choose for medical reasons; and he was miraculously healed (X 44). Miracles and visions were of common occurrence in the city; here was “ das grosse, heilige Koln,” which was said to count as many churches and chapels as there are days in the year; and Czesarius, while his intellect expanded under Rudolf, was in sympathy with the mysticism of Ensfrid. Moreover, this was evidently a brittle world. He heard Henry, Cardinal Bishop of Albano, preach in Cologne a crusade againft Saladin, who had juft taken Jerusalem; then, in 1188, came this third crusade, with its miserable fail¬ ure and the ftartling death of the great Emperor Frederick 1; then came the disaftrous civil wars; all these things, with other sufferings that came more nearly home to the common people, sank into our author’s soul. He writes: “ In our days there would seem to be a fulfilment of what the Lord saith in the 1 The relevant passages may be found ini. 32,; IV. 26; I. 38 ; IX. 22 ; VI. 5. Introduction gospel: ‘ nation shall rise againft nation, and kingdom againSt kingdom, and great earthquakes shall be in divers places, and famines and pestilences; and fearful sights and great signs shall there be from heaven ’ ” (X 47). It was not a comfortable world, even in “ the great and holy Cologne ” ; and at laSt he resolved to give it the go-by. “ In the days when King Philip made his first campaign of ravage in the diocese of Cologne, it chanced that I journeyed from Walberberg to Cologne with abbot Gevard ” of HeiSterbach, the man who, only a year before, had dealt so mercifully with the Starving poor. “ On that journey he exhorted me moSt earnestly to conversion, 1 yet with no efifedt, until he told me that Story of the angel-reapers at Clairvaux,” which will be found in its due place (I 17). Caesarius delayed only three months, to perform a pilgrimage he had vowed to Rocama- dour; and then, without the knowledge of his friends, he slipped off and entered as a novice at HeiSterbach, in the laSt weeks of 1198 or the first of 1199. As fellow-novice he had a far more aged friend, Gottfried the “ scholaSticus ” of St. Andreas, who had been tutor to Archbishop Philip of Cologne. The old man found CiStercian life very hard, and almoSt gave in; Caesarius comforted him, encouraged him to open the Bible and pitch upon a verse for his guidance; and this brought him safely through (IV 49, 94). There and else¬ where he shows very clearly how much courage and persever¬ ance went to the making of a true CiStercian in those early days. Caesarius became in due course MaSter of the Novices and Prior of HeiSterbach, apparently reaching the latter dignity in 1220. As Prior, he was constantly the Abbot’s companion on rounds of visitation; we find him near Aachen, at Burt- scheid, at Stuben on the Moselle, at Hadamar and finally at Eberbach, where Conrad was finishing, or had recently 1 Conversio, in medieval Latin, almoft always means the adoption of monaftic vows. This conversion of Csesarius may be compared with that of his younger contemporary, the Franciscan Salimbene of Parma, which I have translated in Chapter IV of From St. Francis to Dante. XV Introduction completed, his Exordium Magnum Ciflerciensc, a book almost as precious for its scenes of monastic life as that of Caesarius. He was also at Groningen, and in 1233 at Marburg, swarming with pilgrims for the recent canonization of St. Elizabeth of Hungary. By this time his literary reputation was assured. His own Abbot, the Abbot of Himmerode, and the Arch¬ bishop of Cologne all pressed him to finish this present Dia¬ logue and his closely-related book of Homilies, with the Lives of the martyred Archbishop Engelbert of Cologne and of St. Elizabeth. He was recognized on all sides as one of the profoundeSt theologians and casuiSts of the Rhineland, and consulted accordingly. Men got hold of his unfinished manuscripts and copied them without his leave. He must have died somewhere between 1240 and 1250, or perhaps a little later. Nearly a hundred manuscripts of his different works have survived even to the present day; and one of the Dialogue, dating almoSt from his lifetime, was probably written in the very Abbey of HeiSterbach. This Dialogue, so exa< 5 tly suited for the inStruftion of early 13th century novices, kept its popularity in the cloiSter for a very long time. It was Still read publicly in CiStercian houses on the verge of the Reformation; and it was quoted by the biographer of Johann Wessel, as an instance of his hero’s independence of judgment, that he found it too legendary for true edification : “ It would be better to have theology and the devotions of Bernard presented before the Brethren; for this contains not only absurdity, but much that is dangerous.” 1 In Wessel’s age, with its intellectual and spiritual awaken¬ ing, this criticism was already justified; and, from the Stridtly modern points of view, it might be put even more Strongly. European society was not ripe for the Reformation in 1230 as it was in 1480; and many of the things which displeased an advanced thinker like Wessel had, in earlier days, been commonplaces not only of ordinary, but also of what passed 1 E. W. Miller and J. W. Scudder, Wessel Gansfort (Putnams, N.Y., 1917), vol. II., p. 342. from A. Hardcnberg’salmoft contemporary life of Wessel, who died in 1489. xvi Introduction for higher theology. Caesarius’s eschatology, for instance, is to us extraordinarily crude. Yet, in his day, there was probably no single exception among orthodox writers to the creed expounded by so balanced a philosopher and theologian as St. Thomas Aquinas—that the large majority of mankind will find their way to inconceivable torture in hell, and that the small minority of saved, looking down from heaven upon these torments, will rejoice in God’s justice as manifested therein. Bearing this in mind, we shall see how truly Cxsarius mirrors his own times. For his whole book is essentially truthful, even where we condemn its faSts as untrue; the things may not always be vera in detail, but the author is uniformly verax. Where he knows a Story only by hearsay, he tells us so, as in the famous reply attributed to the Legate at Beziers: “ Kill, Kill! God will know his own! ” His anecdotes are mainly local, drawn from his own experience or those of his immediate friends; but a good many are of far wider historical significance; his interest for us springs from his own lively interest in so many different things; to him we may truly apply what Dryden said of Chaucer: “Here is God’s plenty.” Moreover, wherever he can be checked by contemporary documents, he has never, I believe, been convicted of more than the ordinary small lapses of memory into which we fall in recalling distant years. In 1851, J. Strange published an excellent edition of the Dialogue in two volumes; for the Homilies we must still go to the unprocurable edition of CoppenStein (1615). There is an excellent brief Study of Csesarius and his writings by A. Kaufmann (Cologne 1850) to which I am much indebted: it is now out of print. A well-illuStrated monograph on the abbey buildings has recently been published by E. Beitz (Augsburg, Benno Filsen, 2 Mk.) With regard to transla¬ tion, I believe that the present version here published is the firSt to appear in any language, often as the public desire for some such vulgarization has been expressed. xvii Introduction A word muSt be added concerning the translators, both of whom I am happy to count among my fellow-collegians and friends. The Reverend H. v. E. Scott, though mainly a mathematician, had always a natural and very real love for the classics, which grew rather than withered under the daily drudgery of reading them with pupils not always very advanced or interested. Among those pupils was Laurence Oates, the “ gallant English gentleman ” of the South Pole Expedition, whose character, like that of many others, owed very much to a tutor distinguished in nearly all branches of athletics, intensely sociable and generous by nature, trans¬ parently honeSt, and Straightforward even to bluntness. After nearly thirty years of Strenuous tutorial work, Scott undertook the largeSt, and far from beSt-paid, of all the parishes in ChichcSter diocese. His parishioners soon found out that he denied nobody, even at the times that he moSt needed reSt; and I seldom saw him eat an entirely uninterrupted meal in those days. During the War, when his brother sent him food from Canada, he shared it with his people. The work broke him down in 1921; after many warnings from his own doeftor, he consulted a London specialist, who found serious heart- trouble, and told him plainly that he muSt resign his living or die within a few weeks. When once he had settled down into enforced retirement, he began upon the translation of Czesarius, which had long been planned. Scarcely a day passed without two or three fresh pages, until a sudden paralytic Stroke in December, 1922. Even then he pressed on firit with his own hand, and then, after a second Stroke, by the devotion of his wife, to whom he di< 5 tated until the days came when his words became no longer intelligible; and thus this laSt labour of an exceptionally laborious life was perforce broken off. After his death, I was fortunate enough to enliSt Mr. C. C. Swinton Bland, late HeadmaSter of Ripon School, whose familiarity with classical Latin has now emboldened him to make more than one venture into the Middle Ages. xviii Introduction Mr. Bland is responsible for about one-third of the translation, the index, and a great deal of hard work in proof-reading and general revision. I cannot answer in detail for two volumes which time will not permit me to revise; but of one thing I am sure, that the reader will here find, on the whole, from the two translators, as true a picture of Catsarius as Ctesarius has given us of his own times. Classical scholars, face to face with medieval Latin, may easily trip here and there over a technical phrase; indeed, many slips of that kind may be found even in works written by professed medievalists, and published under the segis of learned societies. But to this present translation, as to the original book, we may confidently apply Montaigne’s words: “C’cft icy un livre de bonne foy, lefteur.” G. G. CoULTON. XIX PROLOGUE. “ Gather up the fragments that remain that nothing be loii.” It has been my duty, in my responsible post, 1 to rehearse to the novices some of those miracles that have been wrought within our Order in our own times, and are Still of daily occurrence; and I have been asked with much insistence by many to perpetuate them in writing. For they said that it would be an irrevocable loss if those accounts should fall into oblivion, which might serve for the edification of posterity. Although I felt myself unfitted to do this, both because of my scanty knowledge of the Latin tongue and my fear of the detractions of the envious, yet the commands of my abbot were laid upon me, together with the advice of the abbot of MarienStatt, and these it was impossible to gainsay. Mindful also of the saying of the Saviour, which I have quoted, while others are breaking whole loaves to the people, that is, are expounding hard problems of Scripture, or writing down the more important occurrences of modern days, I have collected the crumbs that fell and have filled twelve baskets with them for those who are poor, not in grace, but in learning. For under that number of heads I have divided the whole work. The firSt book treats of conversion, the second of contrition, the third of confession, the fourth of temptation, the fifth of demons, the sixth of the virtue of simplicity, the seventh of the Blessed Virgin Mary, the eighth of various visions, the ninth of the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, the tenth of miracles, the eleventh of the dying, and the twelfth of the pains and glories of the dead. Now that I might arrange my examples the more effec¬ tively, I have introduced, in the manner of a dialogue, two persons, to wit, a novice who asks questions, and a monk who 1 As mafter of the novices. I Prologue gives the answers; because, when the name of the author is withheld, the tongue of the detractor finds nothing to feed upon; nevertheless, if any desire to know his name let him put together the initial letters of the twelve books. 1 I have also inserted accounts of a great number of events that took place outside the Order, because they were edifying, and were, like all the red related to me by religious men. God is my witness that I have not fashioned from imagination one single chapter in this dialogue; moreover, if any of the details happened otherwise than I have set them down, the responsibility mud lie on those who narrated them to me. And because this dialogue contains so many miracles, I have called it the Dialogue of Miracles. My reasons for so arranging the books are these : Because a man can be converted on the outside, without contrition, the fird book discusses conversion. Because conversion is useless without contrition in the sinner, contrition holds the second place. Also because contrition of itself is barren, unless it be followed by oral confession, the discussion of confession follows next. Further, since confession is rarely enough to wipe out the penalty due to sin, the quedion of satisfaction will fitly succeed, and I have shown this to be temptation (iv. i). Again, because demons are the authors or indigators of temp¬ tation, there follows the book that treats of them. Also, because simplicity of heart is the bed antidote to temptation, the treatment of simplicity succeeds that of the demons. These six parts refer to merits, the remaining six to rewards. Moreover, the science of numbers requires that they should be so arranged. For as unity is the base of all numbers, so is conversion the darting point of all righteousness. The second place is befitting to contrition, which is twofold, expressing itself in grief of mind and pain of body. The third place for confesson, for it is threefold (cf. iii. i), the confession of praise, of faith, and of guilt. Temptation holds the fourth place, because there are four who tempt us : God, the devil, the world and the flesh. The fifth place is suitable for the devil, because five is the apodate number. The sixth for simplicity, for six is the number of perfection, and simplicity 1 They formed the words: cesarii mvnvs. 2 Prologue is that which makes “ the whole body full of light ” (Matt, vi. 22). But the reasons for such positions, both of these firSt six and of the others following, are more fully shown at the beginning of each book. And because by the blessing of ChriSl, the collected fragments are so multiplied that they may be compared with whole loaves in quantity, I have divided them into two volumes, as the twelve loaves of the shewbread were set in two rows (Lev. xxiv. 6), six books being placed in one and six in the other. PLATE i! )ncipir DtftuWbo*113- fct omftflloiie catutuhtm t)nimun« x ■'& T--t-- ts*- r _ 4. mebefiomo co ft (Boms qumiu fruchtofa eft om ms contrmo" uiMfcfcebemtts ___ qui^ fit cottftC So .* quaa* cc bebeai-'que (it dm UltTU£> «* quid ftutW ,Tk»nvmi>* AN EARLY MS. OF C/ESARIUS (Di.t. III. c. I Vol. I) [face p. 4 THE DIALOGUE ON MIRACLES BOOK I OF CONVERSION CHAPTER I. Of the infiitution of the CiMercian Order. I desire to speak of conversion 1 , and therefore I invoke the aid of Him, who speaketh peace to His people and to His saints (Ps. lxxxv, 8), and to those who are converted at the heart. He it is who inspireth what should be written, who guideth the pen, who beStoweth the rewards of toil. From Him cometh the conversion to salvation, because His mercy turneth away His wrath from those His power hath converted. Novice. —Before beginning your discourse upon conversion, will you please tell me where, and by whom, and under what pressure our Order was founded, so that having thus laid the foundation you may build the spiritual walls upon it with those living, polished and precious Slones that have been vouchsafed to the earth ? Mon\. —In the diocese of Langres 2 there is a monastery called Molesme, well known to fame, conspicuous in religion, ennobled by illustrious sons, of ample possessions and no less rich in virtue. And because there can be no laSting companionship for wealth and virtue, some of its members, truly wise and lovers of virtue, with a clear perception of higher things considered that though they were living honour¬ ably enough in this monastery, yet the rule was far less Slri